Austria goes to the polls this Sunday, with the populist, anti-immigration Freedom Party (FPÖ) tipped to emerge as the winner, in what would mark another gain for the far right in Europe.
Unlike its peers, however, the FPÖ is no upstart and has previously been part of coalition governments.
As it is unlikely to win an outright majority, according to the latest polls, the FPÖ the party would need support from other parties – who could instead work together to freeze it out. Here’s what you need to know.
Who are the FPÖ?
The FPÖ is known as the grandfather of European far-right parties and pedals an anti-migrant, anti-Islam, Eurosceptic and anti-vaxx agenda. One of their typically provocative slogans once read “homeland love instead of Moroccan thieves.”
Benjamin Biard, a political scientist and research fellow at Brussels-based think tank Centre de Recherche et d’Information Socio-Politiques (CRISP), told CNN that the FPÖ “shares many characteristics” with other leading European far-right parties, naming France’s National Rally (RN), the Flemish Vlaams Belang (VB), the Italian Lega and the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV).
But there’s a crucial difference. Unlike Germany’s far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), for example, which was formed in reaction to Eurozone policies in 2013, the FPÖ was founded in the decade after the Nazi era and has deep roots in Austrian politics. It has held power at a federal level three times, in coalition with other groupings, making it one of just a few far-right parties in Europe to have done so.
On June 9, the party narrowly won the European Parliament (EP) elections in Austria for the first time, taking 25.5% of the vote and is keen to take that momentum to a national level.
The party was founded in 1956 by former Nazis, but today denies any links to Nazism. Nonetheless, it has forged a controversial path throughout the years, veering from far right to the center and back again.
“In its early years, the FPÖ advocated Pan-Germanist ideas and aimed to pave the way for the return of National Socialism in Austria,” Biard said. “At the time, it was mainly made up of Nazi sympathizers, pro-German nationalists and libertarians.”
Pan-Germanism was a 19th century movement to politically unify anyone who speaks German or a Germanic language.
The party’s liberal leanings, Biard said, “gradually replaced the former position,” and by the early 1980s, it was “accepted as a legitimate competitor in the Austrian electoral landscape.”
Its political stance changed again when Jörg Haider – the son of former Nazi party members – became leader of the party in 1986. Haider was a controversial figure known for once praising Nazi Germany’s employment policy.
“At a time when the FPÖ had ‘de-radicalised’, Haider imported a populist style and a program centred centered on social nationalism and economic liberalism,” Biard said.
The party’s reversion towards the right under Haider proved popular and it went on to secure 27% of the vote in October 1999 elections, seeing it subsequently enter a coalition government with the center-right Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP). Haider himself stayed out of the administration, but his rise to prominence and the presence of the party in the Austrian government alarmed the EU and left it diplomatically isolated.
In recent years the party has found itself again embroiled in scandal, notably in 2019 during its second coalition government with the ÖVP. In what became known as “Ibiza-gate,” then-leader Heinz-Christian Strache was caught on camera pledging government contracts to a woman pretending to be the niece of a Russian oligarch – leading to his resignation and the coalition’s collapse.
Since 2021, the FPÖ has been led by Herbert Kickl. A far-right strongman, he has pledged to turn Austria into a “fortress” if he wins power and has described himself as the future “Volkskanzler,” or “the people’s chancellor,” a term which drew criticism for invoking the FPÖ’s Nazi past.
What are the FPÖ’s main policies?
Among the key issues for the September 29 election are cost of living, immigration, climate change and the war in Ukraine. For nearly two years, Austria has contended with high levels of inflation and below-average growth. It is also facing pressure from European allies to curb its heavy dependence on Russian gas.
A foiled August terror plot to attack a Taylor Swift concert in Vienna triggered debate around internal security, while widespread flooding this month which killed five people and saw the whole of Lower Austria declared a disaster zone has moved climate change up on the agenda.
The FPÖ has successfully tapped into some of these voter concerns. In its campaign manifesto, the party pledged to tighten rules on immigration, as well as implement what it calls “remigration” – the returning of people to the countries their families originally came from, particularly in the cases of criminals.
The FPÖ – which likes to market itself as a party for the working class and appeal to low-income earners who feel marginalized – also set out measures to boost the economy, including tax breaks for young workers and lower taxes on savings.
The party, which has long been anti-EU and is reportedly close to Russia, opposes the bloc’s sanctions against Russia as well as sending further aid to Ukraine, arguing that Austria should remain neutral. Unlike its rivals, the FPÖ says Vienna must continue to use Russian gas supplies, to avoid any increase in energy prices.
The party now sits in alliance with Hungary’s Fidesz in the EU parliament, a party led by Viktor Orban – Russian leader Vladimir Putin’s closest ally in Europe.
Austria’s current ÖVP-Greens coalition has been trying to find ways to wean the country off Moscow’s supplies, with the energy minister calling it a “major economic and security risk.”
The far-right party has capitalized on fallout from the Covid-19 pandemic and is known for its staunch opposition to the vaccines, with Kickl previously condemning them as a “genetic engineering experiment.”
Reinhard Heinisch, professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Salzburg, describes the FPÖ as “one of the most successful radical right-wing populist parties since the 1980s.”
Speaking to CNN, Heinisch said: “They are strong because, like other populists, they occupy a part of the spectrum where they have little competition. They typically oppose the positions of all the other parties and are perfectly positioned to appeal to people who are disillusioned with democracy, feel let down by elites and have grievances against the political mainstream.”
He also points to distrust in Austria’s governing coalition – a “government of two ideologically different parties” which are “at loggerheads over almost everything” – as fueling support for the FPÖ.
“In this environment of discontent, the FPÖ has thrived, partly because it has in Mr Kickl, arguably the best communicator of any party and a disciplined individual with a sharp intellect that sets him apart from his predecessors.”
What are the possible outcomes?
Polls published by daily local newspaper Der Standard show the FPÖ is on track for with a narrow win of 27%, ahead of its main rivals, the ruling ÖVP, with 25% of the vote, and center-left Social Democrats (SPÖ), with 20%.
If the FPÖ wins, its only likely coalition partner is the conservative ÖVP, with whom it has served as junior coalition partner twice before.
Current Chancellor Karl Nehammer of the ÖVP has expressed his unwillingness to work with Kickl, saying this month that it is impossible to “form a government with someone who adores conspiracy theories.” He has however left open the door open to working with the FPÖ without Kickl, with the two parties overlapping on issues such as immigration and tax cuts.
If the ÖVP upsets the polls it could hold talks with the FPÖ or try to form what would be Austria’s first three-way alliance – with the SPÖ and either the Greens or the liberal NEOS party.
According to Heinisch, the FPÖ is more likely to form a government if it comes second than if it comes first. “If the FPÖ comes out on top, it could only form a government with the conservatives. But it is doubtful that the ÖVP would want to be the junior partner in a coalition with the FPÖ, when it could be the senior partner in a coalition with the SPÖ and a third party.”
Heinisch believes that if a coalition between ÖVP and SPÖ is numerically possible, then this is the most likely outcome.
But Biard said that it is “not out of the question that the FPÖ could join a coalition, or even lead one - which would be a first in Austria.”
“This would strengthen the weight and influence of the far-right not only in Austria, but also at the European level.”
